Immigration concerns involving policy, national origins, civil liberties, and nation security intensified after September 11, 2001. From this, immigration has now been the number one topic each election and governmental change or decision pertaining to immigrants is met with some form of backlash and response. Implementing policies and laws is confusing because many compete or overlap. From these policies the problem of racial profiling and a ‘law and order’ platform from the early 1980s. ‘National Insecurities’ seeks to talk about the ways in which “deportation policy has served as a social filter, defining eligibility for citizenship and fundamentally shaping the subsequent composition of the American population.” To do so looking at race, gender, and class and the ways in which they affect economy and policy.
Racially based proxy is to define a person based on the potential for disease, economic status, and religious beliefs. It is the way to racial profile without out right doing so. Race has defined immigration in the United States since the 1875 Page Law. For nonwhite women, race and gender heavily determined immigration status also. Nonwhite women were denied by racial proxy and gender through potential of prostitution and marital status. This is seen in the exclusion of Chinese women, which only helped to further racist stereotypes against Chinese male immigrants in America. Race plays into the economics of immigration policy also through business. Cheap labor, below minimum wage, of first Chinese immigrants on the railroads and mines to Mexican immigrant’s odd jobs determines immigration policy because business owners want to have cheap labor. But the deportation or exclusion of racial groups gets rid of their workforces. The beginnings of Border Portal in 1924 left Mexican and Filipinos vulnerable. Sometimes though race is less the issue and it is more determined by political ideologies. During the Red Scare following World War II women and nonwhites were vulnerable to deportation and exclusion. “Transnational persecution by examine immigrant exclusion and deportation policy in the United States from the late nineteenth center until World War II era” policy reflects into todays also.
Policy differences between exclusion and deportation are in the numbers and legal requirements. Deportation is the state-mandated process by which noncitizen immigrants are expelled from a nation on the basis of administration determination that they have violated immigrant policy or committed a crime. Exclusion is denying access to a nation. Exclusion is more common. A third option is voluntary deportation, chosen most often because of the time and cost of deportation for the noncitizen means the possibility of neglect, even death, in the deportation centers. The argument that deportation is rights based not numerical based is shown through the federal process involved in deportation which is also economic. Exclusion of immigrant workers is only after their labor had been used. Race again shows up in the making of policy because they drew from the racist medical theories known as eugenics.
The social and political histories focuses on the community studies, workplace, and social mobility. As seen in the early works from Handlin’s to Verolies and later Bednar’s work there is an absence of analysis of the role of state regulation and political incorporations in race, class, and gender. It was not until the works Gardner and Luibhead that gender was talked alongside of immigration. Focusing not just on immigration policy itself but on what determines it and nongovernmental agencies are looked at in Fairchild’s work in public health. Nongovernmental agencies played an important role in helping to advocate for others in America. Whiteness is very important when discussing immigration and what surrounds it. Roedgers and Guglielmo look at the ways whiteness effects immigrant policy and how immigrants in America seek to achieve whiteness as a way to assimilate. Incorporating other aspects into immigration studies.